2017-08-07 USA: The Rise of the Violent Left

[Rev.Cambeul]

The author of this piece is a libtard doing his utmost to stay in bed with the Red, rather than wake up and face reality. The article sets out to use the premise that Trump is the enemy of democracy as a method to applaud the accepted tactics of the Violent Left while putting the entire blame for the violence on a tiny sub-section of the left - Anarchists. That tiny group of law and hair-dressing students that the MSM love, but in actuality have no affect on public beliefs. It's the mainstream morons - the Democrats, the Unionists, the Marxists, the Jewish Supremacists, the Niggers and the Latrinos - that are tearing apart society. And the author of this wants to put all the blame on the AntiFa? Ha! Ha!

Creators have fought AntiFa on the streets before, and Creators have not lost a battle yet. Be it public debate or brawling in the street, CREATIVITY DOES NOT LOSE.

RaHoWa!



Antifa's activists say they're battling burgeoning authoritarianism on the American right. Are they fueling it instead?

Peter Beinart | The Atlantic | September 2017 Issue

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2017/09/the-rise-of-the-violent-left/534192/

Excerpt: Antifa traces its roots to the 1920s and '30s, when militant leftists battled fascists in the streets of Germany, Italy, and Spain. When fascism withered after World War II, antifa did too. But in the '70s and '80s, neo-Nazi skinheads began to infiltrate Britain's punk scene. After the Berlin Wall fell, neo-Nazism also gained prominence in Germany. In response, a cadre of young leftists, including many anarchists and punk fans, revived the tradition of street-level antifascism.

In the late '80s, left-wing punk fans in the United States began following suit, though they initially called their groups Anti-Racist Action, on the theory that Americans would be more familiar with fighting racism than fascism. According to Mark Bray, the author of the forthcoming Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, these activists toured with popular alternative bands in the '90s, trying to ensure that neo-Nazis did not recruit their fans.

In 2002, they disrupted a speech by the head of the World Church of the Creator, a white-supremacist group in Pennsylvania; 25 people were arrested in the resulting brawl.
Admin Note: York, PA - WCOTC vs Antifa. Creativity Won!

Antifa's violent tactics have elicited substantial support from the mainstream left.

By the 2000s, as the internet facilitated more transatlantic dialogue, some American activists had adopted the name antifa. But even on the militant left, the movement didn't occupy the spotlight. To most left-wing activists during the Clinton, Bush, and Obama years, deregulated global capitalism seemed like a greater threat than fascism.

Trump has changed that. For antifa, the result has been explosive growth. According to NYC Antifa, the group's Twitter following nearly quadrupled in the first three weeks of January alone. (By summer, it exceeded 15,000.) Trump's rise has also bred a new sympathy for antifa among some on the mainstream left. "Suddenly," noted the antifa-aligned journal It's Going Down, "anarchists and antifa, who have been demonized and sidelined by the wider Left have been hearing from liberals and Leftists, 'you've been right all along.' " An article in The Nation argued that "to call Trumpism fascist" is to realize that it is "not well combated or contained by standard liberal appeals to reason." The radical left, it said, offers "practical and serious responses in this political moment."

Those responses sometimes spill blood. Since antifa is heavily composed of anarchists, its activists place little faith in the state, which they consider complicit in fascism and racism. They prefer direct action: They pressure venues to deny white supremacists space to meet. They pressure employers to fire them and landlords to evict them. And when people they deem racists and fascists manage to assemble, antifa's partisans try to break up their gatherings, including by force.

Such tactics have elicited substantial support from the mainstream left. When the masked antifa activist was filmed assaulting Spencer on Inauguration Day, another piece in The Nation described his punch as an act of "kinetic beauty." Slate ran an approving article about a humorous piano ballad that glorified the assault. Twitter was inundated with viral versions of the video set to different songs, prompting the former Obama speechwriter Jon Favreau to tweet, "I don't care how many different songs you set Richard Spencer being punched to, I'll laugh at every one."

The violence is not directed only at avowed racists like Spencer: In June of last year, demonstrators—at least some of whom were associated with antifa—punched and threw eggs at people exiting a Trump rally in San Jose, California. An article in It's Going Down celebrated the "righteous beatings."

Antifa believes it is pursuing the opposite of authoritarianism. Many of its activists oppose the very notion of a centralized state. But in the name of protecting the vulnerable, antifascists have granted themselves the authority to decide which Americans may publicly assemble and which may not. That authority rests on no democratic foundation. Unlike the politicians they revile, the men and women of antifa cannot be voted out of office. Generally, they don't even disclose their names.

Antifa's perceived legitimacy is inversely correlated with the government's. Which is why, in the Trump era, the movement is growing like never before. As the president derides and subverts liberal-democratic norms, progressives face a choice. They can recommit to the rules of fair play, and try to limit the president's corrosive effect, though they will often fail. Or they can, in revulsion or fear or righteous rage, try to deny racists and Trump supporters their political rights. From Middlebury to Berkeley to Portland, the latter approach is on the rise, especially among young people.

... One thing is clear. The people preventing Republicans from safely assembling on the streets of Portland may consider themselves fierce opponents of the authoritarianism growing on the American right. In truth, however, they are its unlikeliest allies.