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Author Topic: Professional liar, "Commander" William A. White, retires

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http://www.roanoke.com/news/roanoke/wb/213109

White's life on fringe puts him at center of storm
The Roanoke neo-Nazi's ideological leanings were foreshadowed by his early feelings of "innate superiority."

At a time when the power of the Internet was untested, one of the first people to see its dark potential was an 18-year-old college student named William A. White.

In 1996, when White was a sophomore at the University of Maryland, he became convinced, based on hearsay alone, that a teenage girl he'd never met was being abused by her mother.

White aired the allegations online, along with the mother's name and telephone number. He urged readers to call her at home and berate her. About a half-dozen did.

Emboldened by the controversy he created, and thrilled by the national media attention he received, White continued to pick fights from behind his computer screen over the years, even as his personal beliefs swung wildly from far-left anarchist to far-right white supremacist.

After moving to Roanoke in 2004, White formed a neo-Nazi organization and began to rail against his so-called enemies of the white race: the "Negro beasts" and the "Jewish disease."

Now, White is in the midst of a free-speech battle with the federal government.

A U.S. District Court judge in Chicago last week dismissed a charge that White used his Web site to encourage violence against a juror who voted to convict a fellow white supremacist. The judge ruled that White's actions were constitutionally protected.

Prosecutors are considering an appeal, and White faces additional charges in Roanoke of making threats by e-mail and on his now-defunct Web site, overthrow.com.

So it may be too soon to say for sure that the First Amendment -- the traditional sanctuary for those who employ printing presses and microphones -- also protects a hatemonger who uses the Internet to blur the boundary between free speech and illegal threats.

Equally uncertain is whether White will drop out of public view as a neo-Nazi leader once the criminal proceedings are behind him, as he recently suggested he might.

But this much about White seems clear: Diagnosed as a narcissist prone to histrionic behavior, the 32-year-old is driven by an insatiable desire for attention.

"Anything people say or write about me, whether good or bad, is ultimately good for me and my cause," White told The Washington Post in 1996, after his first Internet caper thrust him into a media spotlight.

"Actually it would be better if the media trashed me and made me look like evil incarnate," he said, "because if they said, 'Bill White is a good guy,' everyone would shrug their shoulders and forget about me the next day."

By 2008, White had become "possibly the loudest and most obnoxious neo-Nazi leader in America," according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, which monitors hate groups. Overthrow.com was his megaphone, and White boasted that the Web site attracted nearly 3 million visitors a year.

Applying the skills he honed as a college student, White lashed out at whoever offended his bigotry.

When thousands marched in Jena, La., to support six black teenagers charged with assault, White issued a call to "Lynch the Jena 6." When Barack Obama ran for president, he published an image of the candidate in the sights of an assassin's rifle, the cross hairs extended to form a swastika.

Even something as innocuous as soul music playing at Starbucks could inspire another rant from a man who loves to hate.

"Whatever gave these animals the idea that they had souls?" White wrote on overthrow.com in 2007, after a visit to the coffee shop. "If we piled them up in camps and set them on fire until the black smoke from their black skins blackened the skies, we would be doing the world no wrong."

Defiance came early

William Alexander White grew up in a suburban neighborhood of Montgomery County, Md. The oldest of three boys, he was a remarkably intelligent child who began to show his defiant streak at an early age.

White's IQ was twice measured at above 150, according to a school psychological report, and at the age of 8 he was placed in programs for talented and gifted students.

"I cannot say I did well with other 'gifted' students," White wrote earlier this year in a letter from his jail cell to The Roanoke Times, one of several in which he described his upbringing and political views in scrawling longhand that filled more than 25 pages.

"In retrospect, I would say that my problem was the overwhelming Jewish population of my elementary schools and the overwhelming black population of the Magnet schools (which were used to integrate black neighborhoods)."

Starting in the ninth grade, White became rebellious and verbally abusive to his teachers and was charged as a juvenile with threatening a principal, according to the psychological report, which White posted online years ago. He also began to develop his outlaw computer skills, hacking into the school computer system.

Manfred Smith, White's eighth-grade social studies teacher, recalled White as an avid reader who loved a debate -- to a fault. "He was argumentative, insulting to students, and wanted to dominate any discussion," Smith said.

Suspended repeatedly, White bounced from school to school, attending three high schools by the time he graduated from Walt Whitman High School in Bethesda in 1995.

White's family declined to be interviewed for this story. His father, a former research associate who specialized in defense policy for The Brookings Institution, mentioned in a letter "the anguish we are experiencing over Bill's childishly impulsive political posturing."

"I love my family very much, and the feeling is mutual," his son wrote. "But they strongly object to my political views."

The 'nihilistic adolescent'

While his juvenile behavior deteriorated, White's intellect grew.

At a time when most of his peers were reading action or romance novels, White was devouring the works of Sigmund Freud, Karl Marx and Roman philosopher Marcus Aurelius. A budding anarchist in high school, White started a student newspaper that advocated a "leftist utopian anarchy."

"In a sense, one gets the feeling that William could easily be Dostoevski's prototype of the nihilist adolescent," school psychologist Robert Mulcahy wrote in his 1994 evaluation of White.

"As he lounges there listening with his long legs propped up on a nearby desk, stroking his sparse goatee, there is a tired, whimsical, sarcastic grin on his face, an adult-like manner in the way he attends, a piercing brilliance in his eyes, and a feeling that his brain is taking in and dissecting the semantic, social and political significance of each and every word and phrase he hears."

The way Mulcahy saw it, White faced a dilemma at 16: He desperately wanted the attention and approval of his peers, but his feelings of "innate superiority" prevented him from emulating their teenage antics in order to gain acceptance.

"So, the only option left to him is to adopt the role of the rebellious renegade, the outlaw, the loner, the one who goes his own path," Mulcahy wrote.

Even today, White insists that he fit in by acting out.

"I was quite popular in high school," he wrote in one of his letters. According to White, he was elected president of the student government association at Walt Whitman, only to have the results thrown out by the administration.

"School administrators viewed me then much as the federal government views me now," he wrote, "as a pain in the ass that must be silenced, laws and the rest be damned."

White did run for association president as an independent, according to Louise Reynolds, a journalism teacher at the school. Given his reputation and penchant for profanity, administrators were concerned about what he might say in his campaign speech. But they allowed him to run. He lost.

Testing the limits of free speech

White headed off to the University of Maryland in 1995. He majored in psychology, dabbled in anarchy, and continued in his role as campus agitator.

Other members of the Utopian Anarchist Party said he showed no signs at the time of the racism and anti-Semitism he would later preach so fervently.

"Bill White is considered a traitor by myself and others in the anarchist movement," said Luke Kuhn, a member of the anti-authority group. "I don't know if he ever honestly supported left-wing causes. I know he used to claim to. But he sure as hell is a Nazi now."

In 1996, the group held a lecture on how to find police officers at home and harm them, using explosives, arson or guns.

White -- who had been convicted of resisting arrest earlier that year -- said at the time he wasn't advocating anything, just explaining what had been done in the past.

"Obviously, it didn't go over well in the law enforcement community," said Paul Dillon, who was a sergeant in the university police department at the time. "But it is a free country, and he had a First Amendment right to do what he did."

At the age of 18, White had become adept at pushing his free speech rights to the very edge of the law. And when he waged his online attack on the woman he suspected of child abuse, it marked a new test of the limits of cyberspace.

White was not the first Internet mudslinger. But his case was one of the first known episodes in which someone published a home telephone number of their target with the intent of inviting abuse, The Washington Post reported at the time.

Following the stir White created, authorities investigated both the substance of his allegations and the way he aired them. No charges were ever filed against him or the woman.

The next year, White dropped out of college, figuring he could make lots of money in computers. He was soon earning $80,000 a year for an Internet marketing firm in Maryland, he said, and later started his own consulting business.

Unable to shake politics, White ran twice for a seat on the Montgomery County, Md., school board, and then for the state legislature. He stuck to his anarchist platform, with slogans such as "Vote for me because you hate them."

He lost every time. "My sense was he was doing it just as a lark, to get his name out there," said Steve Abrams, who won the school board seat White sought. "He's always been on the fringe, and he's never had any followers at all."

White later worked for a correspondent for the newspaper Pravda, he claimed, rubbing elbows with prominent journalists at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C. But he eventually grew restless and began to dream of starting a real estate company somewhere in the mountains.

With his savings from work and $100,000 from the sale of his home as capital, White considered doing business in Wheeling, W.Va., and the Ohio River Valley. He wound up coming to Roanoke.

White Homes and Land LLC

In 2004, White began buying houses in the West End, an impoverished inner-city neighborhood with a high concentration of blacks. He fixed the houses up for rent, refinanced them and put the funds toward buying more houses, paying between $50,000 and $70,000 for most. Before long, about 20 homes in a three-block area were under the control of a new company, White Homes and Land LLC.

White married a real estate agent (his wife, Meghan White, declined to comment for this story), had a daughter and appeared to be settling down. The polar opposite of an absentee landlord, he was in the West End almost every day, repairing his properties and dealing with tenants.

But it soon became clear that Bill White the landlord was also Bill White the Internet racist.

"N------ are plotting against my shrubs," he wrote on overthrow.com, explaining how vandalism to his new landscaping had reinforced his view that blacks "cannot be trusted to conduct honest business."

That post and others -- including one in which White referred to his "Ghetto Beautification Project" -- led some people to believe he was evicting blacks without cause in an effort to create an all-white living space. The Roanoke NAACP filed a fair housing complaint with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which investigated but took no action.

As he became more outspoken about his racial views, White found few friends in Roanoke, even among like-minded bigots. When he protested a fair housing symposium, White stood alone outside a Roanoke hotel, wearing a swastika armband and holding a sign.

Although White said in his jailhouse letters that he has friends in town, the only ones he named to be interviewed for this story were people with whom he had casual encounters: employees at Lowe's, for example, or a clerk at the post office.

"It's not like I've spent my life in Roanoke living in a cave," he wrote.

White's former tenants described a landlord who was businesslike and courteous at first, only to turn hostile. Angie Laymen said it was because she had biracial children. Scott Rayfield said it was because he dated a black woman. For Tammy Goad, it was because she had black friends over to visit.

"He was real snobbish toward them and turned his nose up at them," Goad said.

Known as the white supremacist in a black neighborhood, White took to arming himself. Goad recalls seeing him making the rounds wearing a bulletproof vest, a handgun strapped to his hip, holding his infant daughter in a baby carrier.

White was making a reputation for himself, one that would soon extend far beyond the West End.

Alienating his own

An angry mob ran through the streets of a Toledo, Ohio, neighborhood. Rioters threw bricks, bottles and rocks at police officers. A bar was set afire. More than 100 people were arrested.

And Bill White was in the middle of it all.

It was a Saturday afternoon in October 2005, and White had driven nine hours from Roanoke to serve as the spokesman for a march held by the National Socialist Movement, a neo-Nazi group.

Considering that the purpose of the march was to protest black crime, and considering that most of the rioters were black, the event was deemed a huge success by its organizers. The riot drew national attention, elevating White's status in the white supremacy movement.

"I think he was a very powerful influence," said Justin Boyer, a former member of the National Socialist Movement who now denounces White. "Because when Bill White spoke, you could just feel the energy. It reminded you of Adolf Hitler when he spoke. It was powerful and kind of mesmerizing."

Not long after the riot, White had a falling out with the NSM over a controversy he called "Satangate." He and others accused some NSM members of being part of a group that engaged in sexual discussions with juveniles on a "Teens for Satan" e-mail group.

White formed his own group in Roanoke, the American National Socialist Workers Party, which purported to fight for the white working class.

Asked to explain how he got involved in national socialism, White went on for pages. He cited the works of obscure philosophers -- his strongest influence was Julius Evola, a Sicilian author and political activist whose views have been described as "ultrafascist" -- and his own views in defense of Hitler. But he recounted few real-life experiences or observations.

"The superiority of the white race, on the whole, for me, is such a trivial given that I no more need to impose it on the world than I need to impose the color of green on grass, or fruit on an apple tree," he wrote.

If such views drew other neo-Nazis to White, his self-absorption quickly drove them away, according to Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has followed White closely over the years.

Following White's arrest in October, participants in white supremacy message groups expressed little surprise or dismay. One poster said White brought his legal trouble on himself with his "stupid, theatrical, self-aggrandizing ways." Another wrote last week after the charges were dismissed: "Bill White skates, but is still shunned."

White has declined to say how many members the American National Socialist Workers Party has. By Potok's estimate, the self-proclaimed "commander" of the national group has no more than 200 followers.

"The guy is clearly an egomaniac," Potok said. "Bill White's chief concern has always been Bill White, and that has hurt him in terms of being any kind of a leader."

'Truth' is in the telling

After flirting with the law for years, White was arrested in October for posting the name, address and telephone number of the foreman of a Chicago jury that convicted Matthew Hale in 2004.

A white supremacist, Hale was sentenced to 40 years in prison for soliciting the murder of federal Judge Joan Lefkow.

Although a judge dismissed White's charge last week, he remains in jail, facing additional federal charges in Roanoke. He is accused of using the Internet and the telephone to threaten people including a newspaper columnist and a human rights lawyer.

Three different courts have declined to release him on bond. Federal prosecutors point to writings on overthrow.com that they say show White is a danger to the community.

Last May, White wrote of waking up every morning with the urge to "kill, kill, kill."

In another post, he said he had developed a "very intricate plot for the murder of about a score of Roanoke city's Negro nuisances and their annoying counterparts at The Roanoke Times."

At a bond hearing last year, White testified that his writings were not meant to be believed. "I write essentially tabloid news, half truth, half sensationalism and exaggeration," he said.

In one of his letters from jail, written before the Chicago charge was dismissed last week, White was as confident as ever, vowing to beat the charges.

"There are many people, including those in power, who believe any dissent should be crushed with the destruction of the dissenter," he wrote. "Further, there are many people who have devoted their lives to destroying me only to find, to their frustration, I am beyond their ability to destroy."

White also wrote that, upon his release, he plans to withdraw from the white supremacy movement and abandon his Web site, which the FBI shut down at the time of his arrest.

"My intent, when I am finally acquitted of all this nonsense, and such acquittal is inevitable, is to close my publishing business and withdraw from public activity," he wrote.

"I do not intend to recant my views, even if I will quiet them."

But as White himself once admitted from the witness stand, while sworn to tell the truth, not everything he writes should be believed.
__________________
Former Hasta Primus for P.M. Ben Klassen with the Church of the Creator at North Carolina and later the right-hand man for Dr William Pierce with the National Alliance. Currently the Chairman of the National Alliance.


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Re: Professional liar, "Commander" William A. White, retires
« Reply #1 on: 28 November 2009 at 00:59 »
Wasn't sure whether to put this in Commander ASSWIPE's scummy thread, or Harold "Big Lie" Covington's, because it deals with how both spread doubt by accusing others of stealing or selling membership lists. This is a thread at VNN where I'm banned but where others will post for me occasionally to set a record straight. Post #22 here: http://vnnforum.com/showthread.php?t=72109&page=2

White Will
Quote:
Commander ASSWIPE wrote in his phony Ron Paul expose thread four hours ago: "The entire National Alliance mailing list was stolen in 1993 and 2002." [Post #1 in the above VNN thread]

A partial list was purloined from NA Mid-West Regional Coordinator Roger Williams, on Erich Gliebe's watch, perhaps in late 1992[sic - should have been 2002], but it seems like it was 2003 or 2004, if memory serves. The list was stolen by none other than Erica Hardwick (aka Hoetsch) who left the NA to become an anti-racist and Commander ASSWIPE's girlfriend, no less.

The so-called "entire 1993 NA mailing list" theft is another complete fabrication contrived by Defendant Harold Covington. He claimed far and wide I stole it and sold it to John McLaughlin for $2,000. Unfortunately for him, in 'Williams v. Covington,' the libel case, I submitted sworn affidavits to the court from both John McLaughlin, denying the sale claim, and from Dr. William Pierce, proprietor of the NA mailing list, who denied the theft. That's how a search for the veracity of a claim is done, by time-tested rules of evidence and procedure. Covington had to run from his malicious lie once I won the judgment against him, and has been in hiding ever since. And Commander ASSWIPE 's malicious lying about others will catch up with him eventually, too, but only if his lies are refuted by those who know the facts.

Commanders ASSWIPE and Covington are in the same game of spreading discord and doubts. What better way to do that than to make potential supporters think that their personal information will not be protected, but stolen or sold?

Will
---

Commander ASSWIPE's malicious lies did catch up with him, as FBI asset Hal Turner's have caught up with him. Covington is still in hiding, but itching to become maximum leader of the great NW Migration. He'll get his just desserts for his misdeeds, too...

Former Hasta Primus for P.M. Ben Klassen with the Church of the Creator at North Carolina and later the right-hand man for Dr William Pierce with the National Alliance. Currently the Chairman of the National Alliance.


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Re: Professional liar, "Commander" William A. White, retires
« Reply #2 on: 06 December 2009 at 15:28 »
This is a letter to Alex Linder by Commander ASSWIPE: http://vnnforum.com/showthread.php?t=104641
---
[Handwritten in pen on yellow paper, from Bill White]

NOVEMBER 16, 2009

Alex:

I'm sending you this because, while I have shared the story of my arrest and detention with several newspapers, I have not given the full story to anyone who may be willing to publish it in an uncensored form. I thought you may have that intent - you are certainly the most widely read of those who might.

I have seen very little of the press surrounding my case, but am aware what the government has said about me. The truth, which is that the government has attempted to infiltrate and use the American National Socialist Workers Party as a terrorist organization, repeatedly failed to set me up, and, in failing, decided to arrest me and brutalize me into confessing to crimes I didn't commit. Such is the new 'kwa.

In early 2007, a government task force was erected in Washington to prosecute me, probably in response to my publishing of Eric Hunt's statement on the kidnapping of Elie Wiesel. By mid-2007, no later than July, Michael Burks, my Midwestern Regional Director, was working in the employ of an as-yet unnamed private anti-racist group, deliberately disrupting my activities and alienating other members of the group. Two others with similar agendas -- Justin Boyer and Tim Bland -- I was able to identify; Burks clung on right about to the end.

In September 2007, the government began active disruption of my activities in response to the Jena 6 campaign. The first effort to frame me came with the staged "hate crime" in October of that year.

The group Citizens Against Hate, working with the Roanoke NAACP, solicited a local crack dealer and pimp to attack me while driving down the street. Whether or not the FBI and DOJ were in on planning that attack is unclear. However, they were behind the "deal" offered me by the Commonwealth of Virginia to drop all charges against both of us. I demanded trial, and, as reported in the paper, the crack dealer was convicted and I was acquitted. Had I accepted the deal to drop all state changes, DOJ lawyers were in the courtroom waiting to charge me with "hate crimes" that they knew to be fraudulent. I dodged that bullet.

In response, in January 2008, a phony civil suit was brought against me to use civil process to try to fish out criminal evidence. A series of bogus subpoenas, all eventually quashed or modified by the courts, were filed against me to attempt to gain access to my computers, and two acts of bogus criminal complaints were sworn out against me in Norfolk, Virginia, for allegedly "threatening" lawyers involved in prosecution of "civil rights" cases. As reported in the "Stellman opinion" [Ed - not sure if Stellman or Stillman] (In Re: William A. White ED Va 2008) [Ed - again, not entirely sure here - 'ED'], those complaints were dismissed as protected speech.

But here is where the investigation began in earnest.

Mike Burks, Dan Jones, Phil Anderson, Robert Campbell and probably others unknown were first approached by FBI agents in late March and early April 2008, just prior to our Chicago dinner. By no later than that time, Burks, who was to be the star witness against me in Chicago, became a formal federal informer. Robert Campbell, who did not become an informer, was approached by two agents who told him they knew I was not committing crimes but wanted me to be, and was further told he'd be paid a large sum of money and "set up for life" if he would commit or aid an FBI agent in committing a violent act of domestic terrorism and frame me for it. When he threatened to turn this information over to me, the FBI told him he'd be physically harmed if he shared his story. And so the tone was set for this investigation.

From April 2008 through October 2008, Michael Burks and others recorded my phone calls, sidestepping the wiretap law. I was approached by at least seven individuals on the government payroll who asked me to commit crimes with them. One posed as a fellow just out of the army, said he "had weapons and people" and "was ready to go" to commit a terrorist act in the Seattle area. I told him never to talk to me again. Another pretended to be an investor, "Michael Klein," who DIP-funded [Ed - not sure 'DIP' is right] Chapter 11 estates. He had me going until he suggested I do an illegal insider trade involving a partnership owned by an offshore corporation I would control. I told him that was illegal and to never call me again. In fact, during my case in Chicago, the government tried to "lose" dozens of hours of tape of me telling people I didn't want to commit crimes.

There is also a stack of witness reports from me consisting of FBI agents banging on my door and being told I didn't want to speak to them, and reports of agents following my car, six inches from the back bumper, trying to push me off the road and force me to talk to them -- once while my then eight-month-old daughter was riding in the back seat. That agent recorded himself saying he didn't care if babies died because he was going to "get" me.

So, with this background, we come to my arrest, torture, detention and eventual acquittal in Chicago, and the case that is now being dismissed in Roanoke.

In September 2008, I announced my intent to publish the now infamous "Kill This Nigger?" magazine, which included an article on Mark Hoffman, a tainted juror and jury foreman in the Matt Hale trial. If you've seen the online version of the magazine, you'll know the cover article was on the need the Jewish media had to incite "white supremacists" to assassinate Obama to complete his deification, not a screed inviting violence. We now know though, through discovery, that a member of Obama's campaign staff contacted Patrick Fitzgerald, the US Attorney for Chicago, to demand my arrest.

The more substantial reason for my arrest, though, was my article exposing the fact the US Attorney's Office in Chicago, in cooperation with [Matt] Hale's attorney, Thomas Durkin, fixed the jury by placing Hoffman, the homosexual Jew with the black boyfriend, on it. While in Chicago, my investigative staff spoke to a former employee of Durkin who confirmed that Durkin threw the case and worked with Fitzgerald to railroad Hale.

To stop publication of the magazine, I was arrested October 17, 2008, on a trumped-up warrant of solicitation of a violent felony against a federal juror. On two occasions prior to my arrest, the FBI had, via Michael Burks, tape recorded me instructing Phil Anderson to find out why the FBI felt someone was going to harm Mr. Hoffman and stop them. The FBI tried to lose these tapes, and on March 19, 2009, actually gave us a witness statement by Michael Burks stating he "did not remember being present" for phone conversations he recorded. Had Burks not bragged up and down the internet, the government may never have admitted them, but in July 2009, the US Attorney's Office finally admitted to the tapes, saying they had been "lost" because they were made by "another jurisdiction."

So the government arrested me for soliciting a violent felony while having private tapes of me saying I did not want anyone harmed and asking people to stop any effort to do so.

In this last memo, they stated they "had not reviewed" the tapes, and thus "did not know" if they contained exculpatory evidence.

But my arrest was the start, not the end, of the investigation.

After my arrest, the government told the world I was a "serial killer," and told the Deputies at the Roanoke City Jail I was a "domestic terrorist." Claiming they had been informed of a plot to "bomb" the Poff Federal Building, I was subjected to coercive interrogation techniques a la Guantanamo Bay. For six days, until just after my second bond hearing, in the Roanoke City Jail I was kept in a tiny room under a bright light 24 hours a day, was denied phone calls, hygiene, visits and sleep (via efforts to wake me every hour) while I was interrogated periodically by US marshals about crimes I knew nothing about. Eventually, those statements will be made public - I implicated no one and confessed to nothing, despite a near-total psychic collapse. (Try not sleeping for six days - it's not good.)

It was in this condition I was [indeciph. - dragged?] before the world to testify at my show trial detention hearing, October 22, 2008.

And while I was moved to a segregation unit, I was continually abused from the day of my arrest until December 29, 2008, in an effort to break me and make me both confess to crimes I didn't commit and cooperate against other white activists being targeted by "Operation Hopeful Eagle," the Obama administration's ongoing effort to break the "white supremacist" movement.

On arrival in Chicago, I was kept five days in a filthy unheated cell, without sheets and with one torn blanket and some ragged clothes, while temperatures went to 30 below. I spent two days in a cell flooded with human excrement. Until December 29, I was almost entirely denied visits and phone calls and kept in strict isolation as a "terrorist." And, I was told if I didn't cooperate and plea, I would face that the rest of my life, as Hale has.

The only trouble the government had is that my charge only carried ten years, but they originally concocted a sentencing scheme of soliciting murder in furtherance of domestic terrorism - which carries a life sentence (level 43 category VI plus 15 levels [?] of enhancement). To "fix" this, they threw at me this second indictment, which I now face in Roanoke. The charges here are mostly low-level, but had I had a guideline of "life" in Chicago, I could've been given the maximum on all of them.

Really, what the government expected to happen is for my arrest to frighten other ANSWP activists into confessing various criminal conspiracies before the Roanoke Grand Jury. While Dan Jones was frightened into becoming another informer (his "freebillwhite.com" website has been an FBI front), no one confessed any conspiracies. So, rather than walk away from this investigation, the government pulled out "cold cases" they had previously decided did not merit prosecution, and threw them at me. Some of them have not even been fully investigated, and, just a week ago, the government was denied a continuance they requested to "finish investigating" some of the cases.

And so I sit here in jail, detained 13 months for crimes I didn't commit, and acts that are not crimes.

A few other interesting points that have come out of the discovery and evidence in this case:

Mike Burks is the one who suggested to me the "Lynch the Jena 6" campaign. Apparently, this was done because the organization paying him -- almost surely the Southern Poverty Law Center -- felt there had not been enough authentic "white supremacist" opposition to them.

Shortly after my arrest, Maureen Mazzola, an agent of the FBI, interviewed Phil Anderson, the former ANSWP Illinois leader, and falsified a witness statement from him in an effort to use it as "relevant conduct" in case of a plea agreement. Among things she did is claim I had been involved in "over 150" crimes against federal officials and "civil rights" activists, and edit Phil's words - he said I called him to find out if anyone was planning to harm Hoffman and stop them; she wrote I called him to find out if anyone was going to harm Hoffman as I wanted. And so on. We have asked criminal obstruction charges be brought against her and she is, to my understanding, now under investigation.

Now, after December 29, the government's attitude changed towards me, somewhat. I was allowed in general population, given 300 minutes a month of phone calls and regular visits, and told if I'd plea and cooperate I could be released almost immediately. Without cooperation, the government came down from a guideline of life to 30 months. I still refused, and was frequently harassed and targeted by staff, but was not again abused as I had been with the exception of two periods, once timed with the removal of my tainted judge, and once timed with the dismissal of my case, when I spent a week under investigation in solitary confinement for imagined offenses.

In June of 2009, after the Holocaust museum shootings, a round up of white activists occurred, and that was when I heard, during an NPR broadcast, an FBI agent discussing "Operation Hopeful Eagle."

Apparently, the Obama administration has decided to "take control" of the "white supremacist" movement by bribing white leaders to cooperate with the FBI and arresting those who won't. While I was in Chicago, Hal Turner and David and Dennis Mahon were brought in. Hal has admitted to being an informer - it was his reason given for release on bond at his Chicago hearing. Still, he and the Mahons were being held in the same punishment and isolation wing I'd been in. I am told Hal is cooperating and now free. The Mahons were apparently set up by a pretty girl who, at first, pretended to be broken down on the side of the road, then drug them into a conspiracy to bomb her "boyfriend's" house.

I am also aware Dan Jones was arrested in September and was released afterwards on bond. He is currently working for the FBI - since his release he has approached and tried to set up Robert Campbell, Chris Drake and my wife (who has almost never had any political involvement in anything).

There have probably been other arrests as well I'm unaware of, and there have been minor arrests, such as the recent conviction of Elisha Strom for distributing criticisms of the Botetourt [sp?] County Vice Squad.

So now I sit, four months after my case was dismissed July 21st, and two months after my most recent (and third) release order, as the Fourth Circuit has ruled that apparent innocence is not sufficient reason to grant bond. Dec 2nd we will have a hearing to dismiss my charges and, if the judge wishes to hear additional evidence before dismissal, trial will begin around Dec 9th.

I cannot discuss the current discovery in detail, but I can say that we know all of the Roanoke cases are "cold cases" the FBI decided not to prosecute, and were resurrected in retaliation for my acquittal in Norfolk. In one case, we have a statement from the "victim" saying they were not "threatened" and they did not want me prosecuted. In another, the phone calls I'm alleged to have made were made by Mike Burks, imitating me. In the Leonard Pitts case, the FBI Agent, David Church, testified in open court Oct 19th, 20008, that I had nothing to do with any "threats." I just spent the afternoon receiving documents showing one of the cases was closed at the request of the victim and because it did not constitute a crime in May 2007 - but was resurrected by a call from the DOJ more than a year later, when the Norfolk case went down in flames.

So, Alex, I hope some of this is helpful to your readers. The government spent years trying to entrap me, and when I refused to commit a crime, had me arrested on charges they knew were bogus, and then lied to the press to railroad me into detention, where I was systematically brutalized over several months and told the only way out was to "confess" to those crimes I did not commit, and then cooperate and entrap other whites.

Those who have cooperated have gotten bond, but because I "show no remorse," as the government put it in their brief to the 4th Circuit, I am held without bond, because the "appearance of innocence" is not sufficient reason to keep me out of jail.

The [? - ihna] has come, and this kind of repression is what black communism looks like.

If you can make any of this information public, I'd appreciate it. I should be out and done in a few weeks, but white people need to know this stuff is happening now.

Sincerely,

Bill White

P.S.: I can no longer blame people like Glenn Miller or David Duke who have pled guilty out of fear of the federal government. Nor can I blame those who cooperate out of fear. Under torture, or threat of torture, admitting crimes you didn't commit and confessing to whatever is wanted is not irrational. But those who lie out of malice or for money are very low in my book - and most of the informers on my case were of the latter sort.

I am just fortunate to have had two excellent legal teams and a lot of personal support from so many people. Without them and their hard investigative work, I may have been railroaded for life before a fixed Chicago judge and convicted of these lies.
Former Hasta Primus for P.M. Ben Klassen with the Church of the Creator at North Carolina and later the right-hand man for Dr William Pierce with the National Alliance. Currently the Chairman of the National Alliance.


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Re: Professional liar, "Commander" William A. White, retires
« Reply #3 on: 06 December 2009 at 15:44 »
Commander ASSWIPE whines: "After my arrest, the government told the world I was a "serial killer"...

Aw, gee, Commander, how does it feel to be falsely accused of murder?

Blustery Bill repeatedly stated that I am a murderer and a child rapist on Alex Linder's VNN board. I protested to Linder to no avail for allowing such libelous, totally unsubstantiated claims to be published on VNN. After I criticized  Commander ASSWIPE on VNN (and Linder for shielding him), Linder permabanned me and allowed the phony Commander free rein. Such is "the Movement."

I'm tickled to see Commander ASSWIPE has suffered for his malicious lies. His injured innocence routine makes me want to puke.



 
Former Hasta Primus for P.M. Ben Klassen with the Church of the Creator at North Carolina and later the right-hand man for Dr William Pierce with the National Alliance. Currently the Chairman of the National Alliance.


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Re: Professional liar, "Commander" William A. White, retires
« Reply #4 on: 06 December 2009 at 21:22 »


I'm tickled to see Commander ASSWIPE has suffered for his malicious lies. His injured innocence routine makes me want to puke.

Same here. After the arrest of the leader of the WCOTC, he (Billy boy) spent the next two years doing his best to drag Creativity into non-existence by accusing every Creator of being informants. Then when he thinks it's safe and Creativity has been destroyed forever he has the audacity to host the WMB and NER and stakes his claim as the master of Creativity. His tripe even worked on a few Creators here and there that had no idea of history and only cared about the immediacy of Bill not-so-White's glossy, probably Fed funded magazine.

Let the bastard hang for the JOG he once worked - acknowledged or not/paid or unpaid - so diligently for. Nobody deserves it more.

Cailen.
Noli Nothis Permittere Te Terere
The only way to prevent 1984 is 2323

Reverend Cailen Cambeul, P.M.E.
Church Administrator, Creativity Alliance
Church of Creativity South Australia
P.O. Box 420, Oaklands Park, SA, Australia, 5046

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"In the beginning of a change, the patriot is a scarce man, brave, hated, and scorned. When his cause succeeds, the timid join him, for then it costs nothing to be a patriot." Mark Twain.


 

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