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Author Topic: A Real Case Against The Jews

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A Real Case Against The Jews
« on: 30 December 2014 at 14:45 »

A GLIMPSE INTO HISTORY- THE JEWISH TAKE-OVER OF SOUTH AFRICA


In the 19th century the British fought wars to subject the Boer states to British Rule. In 1948, the Boers took power democratically, with the election of the National Party. In the 1960s the government of Hendrik Verwoerd took power and implemented the formal separate but equal policies in South Africa. These policies made South Africa the economically strongest nation in Africa, and gave the blacks in South Africa (and the whites) the highest standards of living of any African nation. Verwoerd’s policies had two main opponents. One was a Jew named Harry Oppenheimer, the other a Jew named Anton Ruppert. Both controlled banking monopolies in the country, and wanted “rights” extended to black South Africans for the purpose of extending their money lending business. Oppenheimer had ties to the Rothschild banking family and to theUS CIA, which throughout the 1970s through 1990s supported the overthrow of white South African rule, at the direction of the Jew Henry Kissinger. Oppenheimer lobbied the Rothschilds to overthrow Verwoerd, who had publicly denounced the Jewish banking monopolies in Parliament. The Rothschilds secured the support of the Rockefeller, Carnegie and other “Anglo” families in the United States, and had those institutions lobby against the white government. Rockfeller influenced the Council on Foreign Relations and its members in the US government in particular to oppose white rule.


African National Congress – ANC


The ANC was founded by Lionel Bernstein, Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, Arthur Goldreich, Hazel Goldreich and James Kantor, with a few African front men – Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki (father of Thabo Mbeki), Raymond Mhlaba, and Ahmed Kathrada. In this, the ANC followed the model the Jews established when they founded the NAACP in the United States, with the exception that the ANC was a much more violent and openly communist organization. These Jews and their African National Congress received funding and support from both the Soviet Union and the US CIA. In particular, Ruth First, the Jewish wife of Jewish Soviet KGB Colonel Joe Slovo, a leader of the South African Communist Party, was primarily responsible for funneling funds to this “African” National Congress. In 1966 the CIA financed the assassination of President Verwoerd, through their “lone nut” operative Demetrio Tsafendas, a Greek immigrant to South Africa. In particular, Oppenheimer’s South African Foundation funneled CIA money to Hendrik Van Den Bergh of the South African Security Police and John Vorster, the Minister of Justice, who were the men who recruited Tsafendas to assassinate Verwoerd.


By the 1970s the Jewish campaign to subvert South Africa was having no effect. The economy was unaffected by sanctions and communist unrest was minimal – though much was made of it in the Jewish owned elements of the US press. In 1978 the CIA recruited Pik Botha, the South African foreign minister, as a spy and used him to subvert the South African government, working with Samuel Huntington and Chester Crocker, Botha was assigned to undermine and alter the attitudes of the South African government regarding black rule. Botha recruited Minister of Sports Piet Koornhof -and Head of Military Intelligence General Tienie Groenewald to the CIA-Jew operation. Groenewald in particular passed on the names of Afrikaaner nationalist and white rights activists to MI6 and the CIA, and arranged for acts of violence and harassment, COINTELPRO style, against Boer activists in the country. In the late 1970s and the early 1980s the banking families, Oppenheimer in particular, began to speculate in the Rand for the purpose of devaluing the currency. Inflation rose to 7 percent and growth fell to 3 percent, with inflation reaching 16 percent in the early 1980s.


In 1989 a Freemason with ties to B’nai B’rith, the Jewish Masonic fraternity which controls the ADL, was elected President of South Africa. President Frederik De Klerk was a Jewish-backed candidate with ties to the international Zionist establishment. De Klerk worked for, and eventually achieved, the Jewish goal of black rule in South Africa. The IMF ( Rothschild) – added pressure by threatening that if Mandela will not be released- the IMF will flood the country with Russian diamonds and force a inflation onto the country. Today, South Africa’s central bank is run by a Jew named Gill Marcus, . Trevor Manuel, a Jew, was the Minister of Finance. Alec Erwin, a Jew, is the Minister of Trade and Industry. Helena Dolny, the Jewish ex-wife of KGB Colonel Joe Slovo, runs the Land Bank. Ronnie Kasrils, a Jew, is the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry. Louise Tager, a Jew, is chairman of the railway system, Spoornet. Michael Katz, a Jew, is the chief consultant on taxation. Meyer Kahn, a Jew, is the managing director of the police service. Three Jews – Richard Goldstone, Arthur Chaskalson, and Albert Sachs – sat on the South African Supreme Court. What has happened in South Africa under the name of “democracy” and “diversity” has been the Jewish takeover of their country. As with all Jewish governments, South Africa is now a failed nation. It is poor, it is crime ridden, and it is not safe to walk the streets.


The Jews wage war on anyone who opposes their total domination of the world’s economy. They also work to make sure they control the governments of every single developed country in the world. Jews use whatever tools they can – phony allegations of “racism” or pleas for “democracy”, for instance – to win stupid, thoughtless non-Jews to their cause, but all celebrated communist, socialist, “democratic” and/or anti-racist groups in the world are Jewish run and Jewish financed.


http://www.whitenationnetwork.com/paper/?p=15967
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Re: A Real Case Against The Jews
« Reply #1 on: 03 January 2015 at 10:22 »

SA Whites Say Apartheid Not a Crime Against Humanity - Definitely NOT : Dr Verwoerd a Brilliant Prof Of Sociology - 1948 : NP Did NOT Want Jews In SA


Dr Verwoerd was a professor of sociology and perhaps the only leader of any nation ever who was. He was way ahead of his time. He knew what he was doing and it is consistent with a deep knowledge of natural human behaviour. Among his statements and political stances was that Jews from Europe must NOT be allowed into SA. The Jews thus have an insatiable hatred of him and try to misrepresent him as a monster. This is total garbage. He was a brilliant man, a genius, who was setting this country on its correct path and I concur with him that Jews have no place here. Most Jews have already left anyway. Two-Thirds of them left after 1994 and more will leave. They are not suited to this country and their only contribution here as in other nations was to sow discord among all. They hate him because he saw through their charade. In 1948 the National Party stated in its election principles that Jews were not to come into SA. Debates and speeches in parliament took place on the Jewish question and I would like to see these published. Eric Louw among others talked about this in parliament and it is in the minutes. This should be put out in public for all to see. It is the Jews whom Dr Verwoerd specifically forbade from coming to this country. That is why Jews hate him and worked to destroy him


It was found that in 2003, 86.5% of South Africans agreed that apartheid was an inhumane crime compared to 76.4% today. Data was collected during... ...


http://www.tarnews.co.za/sa-whites-say-apartheid-not-a-crime-against-humanity/
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Re: A Real Case Against The Jews
« Reply #2 on: 04 January 2015 at 16:21 »


Nelson Mandela Was a Revolutionary - These Jews Made Common Cause With Him


In 1963, after South African police arrested six Jews and seven blacks in a raid on an African National Congress hideout in the Johannesburg suburb of Rivonia—a sweep that eventually landed Nelson Mandela in prison for more than 25 years—a white nationalist newspaper asked whether Jews were unhappy in South Africa. The community’s Board of Deputies responded unequivocally that the opposite was true, promising that South Africa’s Jews were loyal and patriotic. “No part of the community can or should be asked to accept responsibility” for the actions of a few, the board insisted in its official reply.

In time, of course, Mandela became a hero, and the actions of those few became a point of pride for South African Jews. Beginning with his years at Johannesburg’s more or less integrated University of the Witwatersrand—aka “Wits”—and later as an apprentice to a Jewish law firm, Nelson Mandela had a political life that was profoundly intertwined with those of Jewish activists who, to varying degrees, found in their Jewish identity the imperative to object to a system that, while almost completely welcoming to them, treated blacks in a way that many of these children of European refugees found discomfitingly familiar.

While most South Africa Jews took the silent, implicitly conservative position of the Board of Deputies, the great majority of white South Africans involved in “the struggle” were Jewish. Many were Communists. Most were lawyers. A few had money. But all faced what has been described as a “double marginality”: not fully accepted as white, while also alienated from an organized Jewish community beholden to the powers that be.

That so many Jews surrendered the comforts of their own relatively privileged lives—indeed, in at least one case, surrendered life itself—to join Mandela and the ANC, though they had little material stake relative to their black comrades, is in itself a testament to the radical legacy these Jews brought with them out of Europe to the other end of the globe. With a new film starring Idris Elba recounting Mandela’s long struggle, we look at those Jews who stood with him, and marched with him, every step of way.

Lazar Sidelsky, the South African-born son of refugees from Lithuania, grew up in the Transvaal highlands and paid his way through Wits by playing violin in a jazz band called Skoenie and his Connecticut Yankees. By the early 1940s, he was partner in one of Johannesburg’s biggest law firms, where he ran a program helping black South Africans get mortgages they were otherwise denied. One day in 1942, an ANC member named Walter Sisulu brought in Nelson Mandela, then 24, whom Sidelsky hired as an articled clerk, enabling Mandela to qualify as an attorney—a radical move for an established firm at the time. “It was a Jewish firm,” Mandela later wrote in his memoir, Long Walk to Freedom, “and in my experience I have found Jews to be more broad-minded than most whites on issues of race and politics, perhaps because they themselves have historically been victims of prejudice.” Mandela worked at Sidelsky’s firm while earning a B.A. by mail order and later while studying law at Wits. In 1952, Sidelsky loaned Mandela seed money to start South Africa’s first black law practice, and when Mandela married his second wife Winnie in 1957, he brought the wedding procession past Sidelsky’s home as a sign of respect. At a kosher lunch in Mandela’s home a few years before Sidelsky’s death in 2002, at 90, the first black president of South Africa still referred to his former mentor as “Boss.”

Nat Bregman, a cousin of Lazar Sidelsky, became a clerk at Sidelsky’s firm the year before Mandela joined. The building had segregated elevators, but Bregman, a member of the Communist Party, rode with Mandela on the one reserved for blacks. In his memoir, Mandela describes Bregman—“Natie”—as his first white friend. Bregman schlepped his skeptical friend to Communist get-togethers in the early years of their friendship—gatherings populated almost entirely by blacks and Jews—but while Mandela was impressed by the “lively and gregarious group of people who did not seem to pay attention to color at all,” he later wrote that he was put off by the Party’s “antipathy to religion” and emphasis on class rather than race. As time went on, Bregman became religiously observant, moonlighting from his legal career as a comedian at weddings and bar mitzvahs and particularly renowned for his imitations of Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt. Bregman died of kidney failure in 2011.

Arthur Goldreich was born in 1929 to a family proud to belong to the Anglo-Jewish elite. At the school he attended in the northern Transvaal province, a German-language instructor once passed out Hitler Youth magazines, prompting young Arthur to write to Prime Minister Jan Smuts asking permission to be taught Hebrew instead—a wish Smuts granted. Goldreich began studying architecture, but in May 1948—the same month the National Party won parliamentary elections, commencing the era of official apartheid in South Africa—he sailed to Israel on a small boat, packed with Holocaust survivors, to join the Palmach. In 1954, he returned to South Africa and joined the underground Communist Party. A notorious dandy, Goldreich wore tweeds and riding boots and hung around the polo club, but it was all a cover: Goldreich’s Gatsby-like persona allowed him to travel the world raising money for the ANC and provided the perfect cover for purchasing a farm outside Johannesburg from which the ANC’s militia wing, the Umkhonto we Sizwe—translated as “Spear of the Nation”—could plan and execute a campaign of violence against the state. Mandela moved to the farm, called Liliesleaf, in 1961, disguising himself as a gardener. After the 1963 raid on the farm, the government called Goldreich “the largest fish netted”—partly because of his role in drafting battle plans, based on his experience with the Palmach, but also because of the prevailing assumption that it was Jews like him who were encouraging blacks to rebel. Goldreich avoided trial alongside Mandela by bribing a guard with 4,000 rand—the kid wanted a new Studebaker—and fleeing to Tanzania. Goldreich eventually settled in Herzliya, Israel, and he founded the architecture department at the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem. He later became deeply critical of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians, describing the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza as “bantustanism” in an interview with the Guardian. Goldreich died in Tel Aviv in 2011.

Harold Wolpe became politicized after participating in a Socialist-Zionist youth project of teaching at a local night school for blacks, where he witnessed firsthand the dehumanizing effects of a racist society. He befriended Mandela and other activists while studying law at Wits and became one of Mandela’s primary lawyers beginning with the seminal 1955 political summit, the Congress of the People—filing a lawsuit to bar the police from the premises—to Mandela’s final arrest about a year before the raid on the Liliesleaf farm, when Wolpe himself was detained before escaping with Goldreich. Wolpe settled in England and became a sociologist, writing a highly influential 1972 paper, “Capitalism and Cheap Labour-Power in South Africa,” which melded the political and economic criticisms of the regime by demonstrating how apartheid effectively suppressed the development of an urban proletariat and therefore differed in kind, not only in degree, from ordinary racial segregation. Dan O’Meara, a South African activist and historian now based at the Université du Québec à Montréal, has written that Wolpe’s work “quite literally reshaped the way in which vast numbers of people saw apartheid South Africa, and in doing so, made a huge contribution to doing away with it.” Wolpe moved back to South Africa in 1991 and directed education policy at the University of the Western Cape until he died at the age of 70 in 1996.

Yossel Mashel Slovo, known as Joe, joined the Communist Party in 1942 and then lied about his age to join the South African army, with which he fought in Italy. After the war, Slovo became active in the radical Springbok Legion veterans’ association and studied law at Wits, where he met Mandela. Just before graduating, he married Ruth First, the daughter of a Communist Party leader. “We took off half an hour from our respective offices to get married,” he later wrote in an unfinished autobiography, according to the recent book Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the War Against Apartheid. Their home served as a center for radical organizing, discussion, and parties. When the police conducted one of their regular searches of the house in the 1950s, they confiscated a copy of Stendhal’s The Red and the Black solely because of the title. Indeed, Joe was the primary link between the Communist Party and ANC in the late 1950s and was Mandela’s partner in organizing the Umkhonto we Sizwe militia. Both Slovo and First were arrested and prosecuted in the Treason Trial of 1956, which was partially conducted in a converted Pretoria synagogue—the only record of either First or Slovo having ever entered one. Abroad at the time of the Liliesleaf raid in 1963, Slovo was eventually joined in London by First and their children. Though in his early years he was an ardent Stalinist—much more so than First—by the late 1980s Slovo had become more critical of “socialism without democracy.” Returning to the country in 1990 after Mandela was released and the prohibition on the Communist Party was lifted, Slovo crafted the power-sharing agreement credited with making the transition to majority rule after the end of apartheid in 1994 relatively smooth. Mandela, Slovo’s last visitor the night before he died in 1995, delivered an emotional eulogy at the memorial service. At the gathering, Khoisan X, a black activist a generation younger than Mandela, recalled hearing his son’s friend once ask, after seeing a photo of him and Slovo together, “Why is your father shaking hands with a white man?” The son answered: “That’s no white man. That’s Joe Slovo.”

Ruth First was born in 1925 to Latvian immigrants who had helped found South Africa’s Communist Party. The first in her family to attend college, First—described by her best friend as “sharp-tongued and shy”—founded the Progressive Students’ League at Wits, where she also befriended Mandela, whom she later described as “good-looking, very proud, very dignified, very prickly, rather sensitive, perhaps even arrogant.” Often compared to Rosa Luxembourg for her devotion to the struggle, First edited and wrote for various radical newspapers throughout the 1940s and 1950s, and was active in revolutionary politics. In 1963, First was arrested at the Wits library and endured a four-month detention, which she wrote about in a memoir, 117 Days. First’s Xhosa comrades called her yimazi ephah neenkati—a mare that keeps up with the stallions. While exiled in London, First became a United Nations observer to Africa and edited Mandela’s writings and speeches into a book, No Easy Walk to Freedom. In 1977, she moved with Slovo to Maputo, Mozambique, where she lectured and remained active in the anti-apartheid movement. First was in her office at the Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo on August 17, 1982, when she opened a package addressed to her—sent, it turned out, by the South African security agents. It exploded in her face. She was 57.

James Kantor was one of Johannesburg’s most famous lawyers in the 1950s. He wore English suits, drove American cars, and lived in a big house with a pool and a Portuguese chef. Described by First as a “socialite yachtsman,” Kantor dated models—until he married one, Barbara. But his sister was married to Harold Wolpe. Though Kantor claimed in his memoir not to know Wolpe was engaged in illegal activities—specifically, laundering money to help Goldreich purchase the Lilesleaf farm—he hired Wolpe at James Kantor & Partners, enough to make him accessory to the conspiracy, as far as the state was concerned. After the Rivonia raid, with Wolpe in jail, Kantor served as Mandela’s lawyer until he, too, was arrested—just after Goldreich and Wolpe’s escape. It was assumed by many in the movement that Kantor, who up until that point had not been a member of the resistance movement, was being held hostage until the escapees returned. In jail, he shared a cell with Mandela, who agreed to be godfather to Kantor’s child. On the morning the judge in the trial, Quartus De Wet, was to issue a ruling on the motion for Kantor’s release, Mandela found Kantor pacing up and down their shared cell. Mandela suggested they exchange ties for good luck. When De Wet dropped the charges against him, Kantor raised his borrowed tie toward Mandela “as a kind of salute and farewell,” Mandela wrote in Long Walk to Freedom. After his release, Kantor renounced the legal profession and moved to London, where he died of a heart attack in 1974, just 47 years old.

Helen Suzman, née Gavronsky, was for many years the only member of the South African Parliament opposed to apartheid. She was frequently the target of sexist and anti-Semitic attacks— “Go back to Israel!” she was told, though she was born in the South African mining town of Germiston—as well as subject to eavesdropping by the security forces, which she foiled by loudly blowing a whistle into the mouthpiece of her phone. Once, when a parliamentary colleague said her line of questioning was embarrassing the country, Suzman shot back, “It is not my questions that embarrass South Africa; it is your answers.” Exercising her parliamentary privileges, she paid eight visits to Mandela in prison, bringing international attention and legitimacy to his cause. Suzman was distant from the Jewish establishment and critical of its silence on apartheid, according to the historian Gideon Shimoni, and when the Board of Deputies presented Suzman with its annual humanitarian award in 2007, she said flatly, “It’s about time.” Though twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, she was heavily criticized for her opposition to sanctions and divestment—“I don’t see how wrecking the economy of the country will insure a more stable and just society,” she said—and pursued by accusations of prolonging apartheid by participating in a blatantly unjust political system, which made her enemies inside and outside South Africa. Suzman died on New Year’s Day 2009.

http://tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/145636/mandelas-jewish-helpers
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Re: A Real Case Against The Jews
« Reply #3 on: 13 January 2015 at 07:43 »

CIA Agent John Voster





In September of 1937, during the reign of the Brotherhood man, Jan Smuts, Vorster is recruited as agent for the police - in order to infiltrate the Ossewa-Brandwag - a rightwing political organisation, to which Robey Leibrant belonged (Leibrant later tried to assassinate Smuts). Vorster underwent training from the last quarter of 1937 to February 1938 - on how to infiltrate the Ossewa-Brandwag. As part of his undercover operation he objected to Smuts involving South Africa in the Second World War (on the side of Britain). He was "caught" in 1942, sent to the Pretoria Central jail, transferred to Leeukop jail outside Johannesburg and from there to Koffiefontein - to be finally released in 1944. In all three places, Vorster was visited, every week by a man by the name of Julian (or Julius) First, and they were apparently very close. First was Jew Joe Slovo's first father in law. After his release, Vorster masterminded the inclusion of the Ossewa-Brandwag into mainstream politics. And he set about selling himself as being ultra rightwing. In October 1958 Jew Oppenheimer is informed during a session of a Freemason's Lodge in Johannesburg that Vorster was a spy for the Smuts government. This revelation was done by none other than Ernie Malherbe - the Chief of Military Intelligence under Smuts. At the same time the Rupert and Oppenheimer newspapers were subtly punting Vorster for his political achievements.


In August of 1961 Vorster is promoted to Minister of Justice. He was informed of this by Verwoerd on July 24, 1961. When Vorster told his wife Tini this, she told him (she is also from a Brotherhood bloodline) that he had to inform Anton Rupert. Vorster phoned Rupert on 24 July 1961 and informed him. Now get this. Anton Rupert (Jew) told Vorster to come and see him (Rupert) at his home in Cape Town ! Rupert basically summonses one of Verwoerd's most important ministers to his house !


So who is running the country ? Vorster duly flew down to Cape Town on July 26, 1961 and met with Rupert the same day.


Two interesting things happened at this meeting :


1) Vorster is recruited as intelligence agent by the CIA. He is also promised the position of Prime Minister for the first time.
2) Vorster makes his first contact with Jew Harry Oppenheimer - when he phones Oppenheimer from Rupert's house on Rupert's instructions.


The Sunday Times, owned by Oppenheimer, announced the appointment of Vorster as minister of Justice five days later - on July 31, 1961. One day before the official announcement of Vorster's appointment ! Form then on Vorster was punted by the Rupert and Oppenheimer newspapers as one of the extremist rightwing trio of the National Party - along with Hertzog and Verwoerd.


Right. Sure. No problem.


Vorster did his bit by announcing hard core safety measures, and by fighting Communism and Liberalism with vigor. Most of his successes against Communist and Liberal organizations was due to him getting inside information regarding these organizations from the CIA (which was covertly running these organizations) and Oppenheimer (who was funding them). The result was spectacular arrests and success against banned organizations. Vorster was further assisted by the CIA and Mi6 through their covert operations. They ensured ongoing unrest, often resulting in the death of innocent black people, which in turn ensured that the safety and security situation remained a top priority with the government and the public. And he was directly involved in the murder of Verwoerd. In fact, he was the main driving force behind at least the second and successful attempt on Verwoerd's life. As far as can be ascertained, Rupert never met Tsafendas (assassin) personally, but this is not to say that such a meeting never took place. Apart from the fact that he employed Tsafendas, and continued to support him financially after he was removed from Rothmans International, his car was used on at least one occasion, driven by his personal driver, to drive a Mi6 agent to a meeting with Tsafendas.


It was also possibly that Rupert supplied the R5 000 that Tsafendas was paid to commit the murder. R5 000, assuming an average of 15% decrease in the time value of money, is some R500 000 in today's terms. (As a practical example, a 4.1 Chevrolet family car cost about R1 200, new, in 1971 - an average family car now costs about R120 000). In addition to this Rupert was present at the meeting held at Harry Oppenheimer's house in Parktown at 18h00 on July 27, 1964. It was during this meeting that Vorster was drawn into the murder plot, firstly by again promising him the post of Prime Minister after Verwoerd, and secondly, by threatening him to make public his involvement with supplying the CIA and Mi6 (spying for them) with sensitive information from the inner circles of parliament and the Broederbond. A look at Vorster's profile will show that this was not the only covert activities that he was involved in. The meeting started at 16h30 and lasted till 20h00.Vorster was apparently hesitant at first, but after the threats and promises, as well as a reminder of his duty as a Freemason, concurred. Present at this meeting was Oppenheimer, Rupert and Quinton Whyte (CFR, CIA and SA Institute to Race Relations) as well as an unnamed Mi6 agent. It was also during this meeting that Whyte handed over to Vorster a final blueprint as to how he was to run the country after Verwoerd's death.


http://www.africancrisis.org/Article.php?ID=611168&


For overseas readers - Verwoerd's policies had two main opponents. One was a Jew named Harry Oppenheimer, the other a Jew named Anton Ruppert. Both controlled banking monopolies in the country, and wanted "rights" extended to black South Africans for the purpose of extending their money lending business. Oppenheimer had ties to the Jew Rothschild banking family and to the US CIA, which throughout the 1970s through 1990s supported the overthrow of white South African rule, at the direction of the Jew Henry Kissinger.
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Re: A Real Case Against The Jews
« Reply #4 on: 20 January 2015 at 16:28 »

Wherever there is anti-white behaviour, we find the Jews ...



Kim Heller, Malemas` advisor
http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/eff-afrikaners-want-economic-freedom-1.1679071#.VL6ArmeSwf0


And ... "A Jewish lawyer, Paul Shapiro, argued earlier this month in the Gauteng High Court, Pretoria, that blacks should not be punished severely if they kill Afrikaners or whites, because they "suffered under apartheid."


http://praag.co.za/?p=26973


And now in the "hate-speech" case against Afrikaans singer Sunette Bridges :


The SA Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) has accused Bridges of hosting commentary on her Facebook page which constituted hate speech, the commission's lawyer Brigit Rubinstein said in a statement on Monday.


http://www.timeslive.co.za/local/2015/01/19/sunette-bridges-to-face-equality-court-over-racist-posts-on-her-facebook-page
"We go back to the basic Laws of Nature : Take Care of Your Own, Love your Own. Hate your Enemies, Destroy your Enemies. The Law of Survival of your own kind is the Highest Law of Nature and Transcends All Others" - Ben Klassen

Website: https://rahowadirectory.com/sacreativity
Email: SouthAfrica@creativityalliance.com

 

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